Short reportThe unspoken work of general practitioner receptionists: A re-examination of emotion management in primary care
Highlights
► Suggests that GP receptionists perform complex forms of emotion management pursuant to facilitating efficacious care. ► Identifies two new emotion management techniques: emotional neutrality and emotion switching. ► Calls for emotion management research to move beyond core occupations to reconsider the complexity of ancillary work.
Introduction
Receptionists have become central to the functioning of general medical practices, so much so that Arber and Sawyer (1985) note that it is no longer appropriate to talk of a dyadic relationship between doctor and patient, this having been superseded by the triumviri of doctor–receptionist–patient in primary care. While doctors have been observed to benefit from this change in terms of assistance with service co-ordination and demand moderation (Arber and Sawyer, 1985, Copeman and Van Zwanenberg, 1988, Gallagher et al., 2001) the response from patients has been more ambivalent; with the receptionist as administrative intermediary being stereotyped as an uncaring barrier to much needed health care (Arber & Sawyer, 1985). The above implies that there is little recognition of the place and performance of emotional labour (Mann, 2005) in such front-line health care. This is potentially significant given that receptionists are administrative gatekeepers to General Practitioners (GPs) who, in the English health care system, continue to be the primary medical gatekeepers to NHS care – a position recently strengthened by reform (DH, 2010). This paper considers the extent to which GP receptionists are required to perform emotion management and the implications this has on the patient journey through primary care. We begin with a brief review of the extant literature on emotion management.
In her landmark thesis Hochschild (1983) compares the instrumental use of flight attendants’ emotions in the service sector with that of labourers in the secondary sector. She notes that in the former case the ‘the emotional style of offering’ is part of the service itself as flight attendant’s emotions are commodified by the airline in exchange for a wage, just as manual workers are paid for their physical labour power by factory owners (Hochschild, 1983: 5). Emotion management is therefore defined as the ability ‘to induce or suppress feeling in order to sustain the outward countenance that produces the proper state of mind in others’ (Hochschild, 1983: 7).
This work has been usefully extended by Korczynski, 2003, Korczynski, 2009 distinction between empathetic and antipathetic emotion management (often emotional labour where performed for a wage). Korczynski classifies empathetic emotional labour as that which is intended to produce a positive emotional state in others, such as the sense of happiness, safety or care that may be associated with the work of nurses, cabin crew or hairdressers. By contrast, antipathetic emotional labour is intended to produce a negative emotional state in others, as in the fear and insecurity potentially employed by debt collectors, or prison guards
In 2009, Korczynski developed the empathetic–antipathetic dichotomy to propose that service roles should be differentiated on the basis of what he calls the ‘substantive nature of the emotional bearing enacted by the worker to the customer’ (2009:957, emphasis added), that is to say the degree to which the worker’s private emotions are intertwined with the customer. Similar to Rafaeli & Sutton’s (1987) faking in good and bad faith, Korczynski (2009) suggests a ‘continuum’ of ‘emotional bearing’, with the two extremes being a ‘purely instrumental approach’ and a ‘caring approach’. The instrumental approach requires workers to have little emotional engagement with the customer beyond the commercial interaction, whilst the ‘caring approach’ is characterised by a “deep level of humanity enacted by workers towards service-recipients (Bolton & Houlihan, 2005)” (Korczynski, 2009: 958).
Thus, Korczynski’s work begins to move us towards the possibility of considering emotion management as a relational process of commission, performance and consumption; the experience of which can be positive or negative. Moreover it serves as a useful backdrop to emergent debates on emotional labour’s relationship with health care generally, and our concern with the service role of receptionists specifically.
In spite of some significant contributions to the emotional labour literature stemming from research in health care (notable examples include James, 1989, Smith, 1992, Bolton, 2005, Theodosius, 2008), at present there is no equivalent of this research for those working in health administration. The result is a narrow picture of the place and performance of emotional labour within the health care sector as a whole (Mann, 2005). It is in response to this lack that the present paper considers the emotional labour of GP receptionists.
Section snippets
Design and approach
A qualitative ethnographic study was undertaken between 2005–2008. The approach was multi-method, with a view to militating against the socially desirable response bias that has been observed in emotional labour research, particularly where there is an over reliance on interviews (Czarniawska, 2004). To this end non-participant observations (N ∼ 300 h) and impromptu interviews undertaken during observations-(N ∼ 50), semi-structured- (n = 4) and group interviews (n = 1) were all employed.
Participants & place
Three
Results
The role of the GP receptionist in England is to be the first point of contact for users, determining appropriate access to health staff (as administrative gatekeeper), while maintaining records and related documentation. Observation revealed that much of the reception work undertaken at the three practices was similar in kind to that witnessed in other GP contexts (Hewitt, 2006). We watched as the GP receptionists dealt with an almost continual flow of patients, requiring them to carry out
Concluding discussion
This paper has sought to explore whether GP receptionists engage in emotion management as front-line health care staff. The answer, from a three-year-long ethnographic study of general practice, is unequivocally yes. They are called upon to engage in emotion management as part of wider caring processes, and do so in contexts that are both immediately unpredictable and relationally recursive. This gives rise to two emotion management techniques that have not been recognised in the extant
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the general practices for their open-minds and enthusiasm for the project, the receptionists for letting us sit in the corner of their offices day-after-day scribbling notes and asking questions and the Social Science & Medicine reviewers for their assistance in developing and refining this paper.
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